So the guy behind me in the window gets out, pushes me across, you know, has a hundred-pound belly. As I was waiting for Paul to finish a meeting, I told two of his aides about an e-mail that had been sent to reporters during his speech. Even as Rand was working to rebrand himself, his father was unintentionally undercutting the effort.
A couple of weeks before his speech to the Urban League, Paul was sitting at a conference table in his Capitol Hill office suite complaining about his press coverage. Like, O. But I was never associated with any of these people. Only through being related to my dad, who had association with them.
Ron Paul never was able to graduate from the lower chamber or to expand his appeal beyond hard-core supporters; Rand won a statewide election on his first try. As a member of the House, Ron voted as an ideological purist, opposing most spending bills and nearly any foreign intervention; Rand has shown a willingness to compromise.
The Paul family moved to Lake Jackson when Rand was five. He grew up untouched by the turbulent politics of the late sixties and early seventies. Ron Paul was a well-off doctor, and Rand lived in a four-bedroom house with central air-conditioning and a swimming pool. The family had a farm nearby and a beach house fifteen minutes away, in Surfside, on the Gulf coast. Paul recalled his early childhood as carefree. This idyll was the result of New Deal-style central planning.
In the nineteen-forties, Dow Chemical, with help from the federal government, created Lake Jackson to house employees of its nearby magnesium plant. Strict zoning regulations kept industry away, and the roads were laid out so that the most heavily trafficked highways bypassed the city, leaving quiet, tree-lined streets in the residential interior.
In keeping with his fervid anti-government stance, Ron Paul refused to accept Medicare or Medicaid from his patients. It was Richard Nixon who unknowingly persuaded Ron Paul to enter politics.
In , the President fully uncoupled the dollar from the gold standard and attacked inflation with wage and price controls. Paul was aghast, and, in , he ran for Congress. Over the next decade, Ron Paul campaigned for the House and then the Senate, while Rand finished high school and went to college. Rand watched his father change from a conventional small-town physician into a political firebrand.
Ron Paul tapped into the resentments and federal policies that were turning the South solidly Republican. Texas had an open primary system, and Reagan worked hard to woo Democrats disaffected with their party over such issues as race, crime, and welfare. Paul beat his opponent, Bob Gammage, by twelve points, and Reagan defeated Gerald Ford by thirty-three points. Reagan narrowly lost the nomination, and Ron Paul lost his House seat in November. He contested the election, but the House of Representatives rejected his case, which in part rested on allegations that felons had voted illegally.
The Paul family believed that the race had been stolen. But both defeats turned out to be temporary. Ron Paul won back the seat in and returned to the House, and Reagan was elected President two years later. He immediately set himself apart. George and Rand, who were both on the Baylor swim team and often spent six hours a day in the pool, became so close that, shortly after they arrived at Baylor, George legally changed his name from George Paul Schauerte to George Schauerte Paul.
George was known on campus for his ability to acquire things without paying for them. She, Rand, and George got high on laughing gas. George, now a teacher and consultant living in Austria, drew Rand into a secret society at Baylor known as the NoZe Brotherhood, which had recently been banned from campus.
Spooner has become a revered figure to modern libertarians, especially in the South, where some revisionist historians have embraced his antislavery and anti-Lincoln views.
The brothers gave him his secret name: SpoonNoZe. Rand was a member of another group that attracted campus dissidents: the Young Conservatives of Texas. It was founded by Munisteri in as a more conservative breakaway organization from Young Americans for Freedom, which had been started by William F.
Buckley in Rand, who arrived the year after the Y. Ron Paul became an adviser to the group and spoke on campus several times. It opened with I. The following semester, the Y. The next semester, the Y. The mentality behind such legislation ignores one of the basic, inalienable rights of man—the right to discriminate.
Rand had developed a signature style: he opened with a provocative statement to jar the casual reader, and then calmly laid out his argument. Discrimination thus implies the recognition of individual talents, the discernment of inequality between individuals. Rand made a similar case about the Equal Rights Amendment, which had already died.
Or should moral questions such as discrimination remain with the individual? Should we preach in order to bring about change, or should we compel? Around this time, Ron Paul was growing disillusioned with Reagan, who he believed had increased the size of government, meddled in the affairs of nations abroad, and was inattentive to civil liberties at home.
Senate race. Rand helped to secure the endorsement of the Young Conservatives of Texas, although the state party—and Ronald Reagan—rallied around Gramm.
Three years later, Ron resigned from the Republican Party in an angry letter attacking Reagan, and he ran for President as the candidate of the Libertarian Party. After graduating from medical school, Rand moved to Atlanta for an internship.
An English major at Rhodes College, in Tennessee, she was into acting and modern dance. District 1. Louis Gohmert R. Daniel Crenshaw R. Lizzie Fletcher D. Kevin Brady R. Michael McCaul R. August Pfluger R. Ronny Jackson R. Vicente Gonzalez D.
Veronica Escobar D. Pete Sessions R. Sheila Lee D. Jodey Arrington R. Joaquin Castro D. Tony Gonzales R. Beth Van Duyne R. Roger Williams R. Michael Burgess R. Michael Cloud R. Henry Cuellar D. Sylvia Garcia D. Eddie Johnson D. John Carter R. Filemon Vela D. Lloyd Doggett D. It is this reality that dawned too late on on the presidential campaign of his son, Kentucky U. Rand Paul , who thought he could expand on his father's base of support by appealing to establishment Republicans as well as true libertarians.
Steve Grubbs, Rand Paul's chief Iowa campaign strategist, said the campaign's internal polls found that of Iowa voters who said they supported Ron Paul in , only about a third identified generally as having libertarian leanings.
Iowa was where the Ron Paul phenomenon took hold in After placing a competitive third, he eventually wound up with 22 out of the state's 28 delegates. The liberty movement took over the Iowa state Republican party with A.
But two years later, in , Striker and other Paul-friendly officials were deposed by the establishment and replaced by officials loyal to the governor, Terry Branstad. That was hastened by a series of indictments against several top Ron Paul staffers, including campaign manager John Tate and chairman Jesse Benton, who were charged with trying to bribe an an Iowa state senator for an endorsement. Both Benton and Tate were eventually cleared of charges last fall, and Benton went on on to serve as the top strategist for a pro-Rand Paul super PAC this cycle.
In an interview with CNBC. He said that Ron Paul never tried to dissuade him from supporting Trump, but added that he had no hope of bringing his former mentor along for the ride. And that's OK. In addition to peddling a home-schooling curriculum, and doing commercials for a checkered investment research firm, Paul commits his time to leading the Campaign for Liberty and the Ron Paul Institute, a foreign policy nonprofit.
But perhaps Paul's greatest political legacy is Young Americans for Liberty, a libertarian student organization that Paul is not formally affiliated with, but which grew out of his presidential campaign. That meant that, defying precedent, party insiders could change how the primary worked without the approval of Republican national convention delegates. Thanks to Rule 12, in January , the RNC condensed the primary schedule for certain states, magnifying the advantages of candidates with more resources and national media reach.
A big travel budget—or, for that matter, a private jet—allows richer candidates to compete for the popular vote in a dozen states at once, while stretching grassroots competitors thin.
A third controversial rule revisal came in the form of Rule 40, which declared that only candidates with a majority of delegates in eight states could appear on the national convention ballot. Paulites were hardly the only ones outraged by the rule changes. So were many state party officials, even those officially backing Romney.
Most notably, Morton Blackwell, a Virginia committeeman and president of the Leadership Institute, decried the rules changes, warning that they would drive away new blood from joining in the party. They deserved to have a place in the convention.
So how did such unpopular rules revisions come to pass? When the new rules reached the convention floor for a final vote, John Boehner, the chair, brought the whole rules controversy to what was for many a bitter conclusion when he approved the new rules by voice vote. The convention equivalent of a clap-o-meter, voice votes are infamously subjective the moment comes in the YouTube clip below at about Many observers said it was too close to call , but Boehner ignored the booing and forged ahead.
In , that frontrunner happened to be Trump. The binding of previously unbound caucus-state delegates made it impossible for grassroots activists to rally their support behind a challenger to Trump. The newly bound delegates included the hundred or so RNC representatives from each state—party insiders that, had they not been bound to vote for Trump, might have coalesced around a consensus candidate, giving that candidate motivation to stay in the race.
Without Rule 40, more candidates might well have had the impetus to stay in the race longer. Ginsberg, the more star systems will slip through your fingers. In Minnesota, at least part of the anti-establishment resentment that Trump whipped into a populist froth this year built up in reaction to that failure, says Harvey.
This sort of paranoid power-grabbing underscores how estranged party leadership is from its rank and file. Without the Tampa rules, he would have won far fewer. Trump pocketed those eight delegates despite not once campaigning in the state.
Ivanka Trump did, however, address Minnesotans in a second YouTube clip. Primary elections are the highly visible endpoint of a complex relationship: A long, multi-layered dialogue between candidates and party members.
When the popular vote decides a dozen state contests in a single day, the game becomes mobilizing the most voters—mostly by spending billions on snappy soundbite-filled ads during sporting events , or the evening news. People might mutter at their screens, but generally, those conversations are decidedly one-sided. To win delegates in each of these states, candidates had to persuade seasoned Republican Party faithful to back them.
And in countless phone calls, emails, and public speeches, those activists had to then bring around their Republican neighbors, earning their votes in the local caucuses and conventions too. But it also encourages substantive debate. And when grassroots movements are passionate and well-disciplined enough, it lets them diffuse their views up through the party hierarchy, sometimes even to the uppermost echelon, the national convention. While that sometimes embarrasses the GOP mainstream, these movements can offer a vibrancy that energizes the party for years and decades to come.
Over the last 40 years, this system has been receding into the footnotes of Republican party history, replaced with the one-way, candidate-led model.
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